Who’s Writing the Rules on Climate Policy

Imagine the irony: the presidents of the most recent COP’s, a global meeting between the United Nations to discuss climate change and climate policies, were oil executives lobbying for their own interests. Unfortunately, that is the reality of not only COP 29 in 2024, but also COP 28 in 2023. 

As David Tong, a climate lawyer who represented NGOs at COP 23, puts it, “you wouldn’t invite arms dealers to a peace conference.” Yet somehow, oil executives have not only scored invites to the party, but managed to plan the whole reception. 

While young climate activists, like Xiye Bastida, are excluded from these climate policy conventions, oil companies champion their interests. Rather than amplify young voices, fossil fuel lobbyists push for these corporate agendas. At COP 28, over 2,450 fossil fuel lobbyists were present, crowding out the representation of any individual delegation at the conference. For context, COP 27 had only 656 lobbyists, yet this number was still higher than every delegation with the exception of the host, United Arab Emirates. 

This issue is not only frustrating, it’s dangerous. When climate policies become a game of protecting profits over the humans and animals that inhabit the planet, urgency and public outcry grow louder and harder to ignore. Less than 0.13% of COP28 attendees were youth delegates; an outrageous number despite the prevalence of youth groups like Fridays for Future (FFF) that reached engagement with over 7 million people worldwide and prompted drastic political changes in countries like Switzerland, whose green party had a 6.1% vote increase that German researchers found to be aided by FFF work. 

Youth participation is stereotyped into performative activism across social media platforms, however the youth are trying to be included in mainstream climate policymaking. The solution to the problem are youth quotas. Demographic quotas could be introduced into these climate delegations to give both a symbolic and strategic rise to future generations. For example, Vanuatu brought in youth members and civil society to work alongside the government in their National Advisory Board on Climate Change, a board that would develop into its official UNFCCC delegation (such delegations are the ones present at COPs). This policy has been in motion since 2013 and should be an example for all other delegations

The blurred line between industry and diplomacy has resulted in the blending of private interests and public action. Xiye Bastida bases her climate activism around Indigenous rights, highlighting connections between the detrimental climate policies and colonialism. Bastida is a prime example of how the youth have been excluded from these climate initiatives, as stated in an interview with The Guardian: “It feels like we are invited to be seen, but not to be heard.” 

But there are ways to flip the script, we aren’t asking for mere inclusion. We want structural change. 

The question is not if youth deserve a seat at the table, it’s if the table can stand without the youth. We inherit the ashes of the policies that oil executives and lobbyists continue to burn at every conference. We will not settle for being locked out of a room that dictates and sells off our future. 

If the hosts won’t make space, we will bring our own chairs. Or better yet, we flip the table.