On Iran

The death of Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, on the first day of the War had a symbolic effect, but it did not dismantle the organization of the Islamic Republic, which is structured in several nuclei and institutions. In Tehran, 88 Shia Muslim clerics united during the 7th and 8th of March to discuss and choose the new maximum authority of the Iranian regime. The one elected by the group has the final word on foreign policy, the nuclear program, and the control of the armed forces. The “chosen one” for this job is Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of former Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He is known to have the same opinions as his father, and to be a “capable and forceful” figure within the regime, according to the Associated Press. Yet while the clerical establishment debates continuity and war, another question looms over the future of the Islamic Republic: how Iran’s younger generation—raised amid sanctions, protests, conflicts, and tightening social restrictions—will respond to the regime’s next chapter.

The largest age groups in Iran are those aged 30-34 and 35-39, meaning most of the population was born after the 1979 Islamic Revolution that toppled the Pahlavi Shah regime and put in power the Ayatollah Khomeini. Following the Revolution, the Iranian government imposed strict Islamic regulations that violate human rights norms, such as punishment of victimless crimes, like fornication and homosexuality, execution of offenders under 18 years of age, restriction of freedom of speech, press, religion, and gender equality. The Regime also imposed strict Islamic regulations on public entertainment, closing Western-style venues. These measures transformed public spaces from Westernized to Islamized. To uphold Islamic values, the management and infrastructure of public spaces are tightly regulated, often clashing with young people’s aspirations shaped by global, digital, and Western-influenced culture that valorizes freedom.

Iran’s Generation Z, those born between 1996 and 2010, lives in the middle of all of this censorship and political unrest and many were key players in the 2022 anti-government protest sparked by the death of a young woman in police custody after she was arrested for wearing “improper hijab.” The movement is known globally by the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom.” This movement is argued to be the antithesis to a larger rising movement within the Iranian government at redirecting the focus of the Iranian people from the failed economic system of their country to the ‘fade’ of adherence to Muslim religious doctrine over the past few years.  

On February 28th, the US and Israel launched an attack on Iran, called “Operation Epic Fury” which destroyed the main Iranian government complex in Tehran, killed the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, along with a girls school elementary school in Minab. The strikes were, in part, motivated by pressure on the US to intervene after a series of Iranian protests was suppressed at the beginning of the year. More than 500 people were killed, thousands arrested, and aggressive action being taken in the streets which garnered international attention. 

Today, as Iran faces an escalating war the generational and sectional tensions based on the role of women, the Ayatollah, and the Regime in Iran have come under scrutiny once again. Iran, at least as it is portrayed in the media, is split. The population has demonstrated its willingness to change authority, but the advent of Iranian war or war with the Western Front has historically strengthened nationalist sentiment, so even though the Iranians may be looking toward the fall of the regime, they remain wary of U.S. intervention driven by Iran’s oil reserve—the 3rd largest in the world.

This internal conflict is best captured by the words of Katayon, a Persian teenager, when asked in an interview for JYV about what she wished the international community understood about Iranians right now said:

"Trump only wants oil for his own good, right? And we don’t like him, but the point is that the income is low, the prices are high, we have oppressive rules, people are dying, so some Iranians are asking the military of another country [U.S.] to bomb Iran and annihilate the government, because this is our last chance of being free from the regime."

In that sense, the varied views on Iran and US-Israel involvement with the regime has garnered controversial opinions. The variables that come from military action—whether that is who carries out action, where they strike, knowledgeable parties, or strike effect—divide the public and the government in more ways than one. On the domestic front, Americans (of the general public) have mixed opinions on the strike. Some Iranian-Americans are grateful for the strikes. Bigger cities across the nation—Nashville, LA, Portland—have had congregations of Americans grateful to the President for finally taking action in Iran and circumventing the oppressive regime; many of them have memories of fleeing. On the other hand, the US partnership with Israel has faced condemnation (especially among borderline antisemetic groups who see Israeli involvement in Iran as an egregious incursion) and the lack of direct involvement the US has had in Iran post-strike has been scrutinized. In the eyes of many, that’s what led to the quick reformation of the Ayatollah-ship.

Politically, the lack of congressional oversight of the strike and the lack of approval garnered by the Trump administration is a bright beacon to many congressional leaders (on both sides of the aisle) that President Trump has little to no regard for the historic war-approval processes of the US. Minority Leader Representative Hakeem Jeffries and former Representative Marjorie Taylor-Greene have both called out Trump for not putting the American people first in the grand scheme of things. Along those lines, the Iranian attacks underwent no solicitation from Americans in the Middle East. No evacuation processes occurred (despite expected retaliation that quickly ensued from the Iranians), and right now the resources available to Americans in the region include an emergency hotline to the State Department.

Internationally, mixed sentiment is also present especially among conservative leaders internationally. For instance, conservative leaders in the UK have varied views on how the situation should have been handled, and if leaders should have been consulted in the lead up to President Trump’s  broad decision to strike.

As the conflict escalates, the role of Iran’s younger generation also becomes visible in another way: with no formal shelters or evacuation systems in many cities, young Iranians are increasingly turning to message apps such as Discord and WhatsApp to remain connected during air raids. In Tehran, a group of students gathers in Discord voice channels while explosions echo outside, checking on friends and sharing updates. For many, these platforms have become emergency networks, therapy rooms, and community hubs where fear, grief, and uncertainty are processed collectively. Also in the capital, a group of pregnant women stays connected via WhatsApp with a group called “Yoga for Pregnants.” There, they give each other advice on self-care and breathing to manage panic attacks and do yoga online together.

But the true views of Iranian youth haven’t been reflected. Opinions are so subjective, and varied based on the life experiences of each subject, that it’s difficult to understand the role Iranian youth will play in the future of Iran—not only as the prominent protesters of the regime, but also as the prominent source of recruitment into Hezbollah (an Islamic terrorist association with strong ties to Iran). Rather than the policies of the new government itself, the ways in which young people will diverge from or empower the coming of the next Ayatollah in Iran is what may be the most indicative of the future of Iranian affairs.